{"id":322,"date":"2025-10-27T19:14:23","date_gmt":"2025-10-27T18:14:23","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/slobodajevasa.sk\/casova-os\/"},"modified":"2025-11-13T16:16:54","modified_gmt":"2025-11-13T15:16:54","slug":"timeline","status":"publish","type":"page","link":"https:\/\/slobodajevasa.sk\/en\/timeline\/","title":{"rendered":"Timeline"},"content":{"rendered":"
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The course of events in November ’89 was prepared in cooperation with the Nation\u2019s Memory Institute.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n <\/div>\n

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NOVEMBER 16, 1989<\/div>\n <\/div>\n

Already on the eve of the Prague demonstration, a peaceful student protest took place in Bratislava, unauthorized by the regime. The students gathered at Mierov\u00e9 Square (now Hod\u017eovo Square) and continued with a march through the city, with more people joining them along the way.<\/p>\n

The participants held hands and chanted: “We want freedom! We want democracy! We want school reform!” At Comenius University, they laid flowers at the site where, during the 1968 invasion, Soviet soldiers shot Danka Ko\u0161anov\u00e1. In this way, they linked their demands with a remembrance of the victims of the occupation and the regime\u2019s persecuted opponents at that time (the Bratislava Five). The students ended their protest in front of the Ministry of Education building on Dobrovi\u010dova Street.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n <\/div>\n

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NOVEMBER 17, 1989<\/div>\n <\/div>\n

On this day, an officially authorized student event was held at Albertov in Prague to mark the 50th anniversary of the death of Jan Opletal, a victim of the Nazi regime. Many students from Slovakia attended as well. A. Dub\u010dek was also present at Albertov, but the State Security (\u0160tB) detained him.<\/p>\n

After the official program ended, the crowd moved towards the center of Prague, chanting slogans for freedom and democracy. The atmosphere was peaceful, but security forces surrounded the crowd and brutally beat them on N\u00e1rodn\u00ed t\u0159\u00edda. The violent crackdown resulted in around 600 injured, 7 of them seriously.<\/p>\n

That night, foreign media spread the news that a student, Martin \u0160m\u00edd, had died as a result of the brutal police intervention. The report was later proven untrue, but the violence on N\u00e1rodn\u00ed t\u0159\u00edda sparked an enormous wave of anger and solidarity within society toward the students.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n <\/div>\n

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NOVEMBER 18, 1989<\/div>\n <\/div>\n

In response to the crackdown on N\u00e1rodn\u00ed t\u0159\u00edda, students at Prague universities decided to go on strike. By the afternoon, actors from Prague theaters had joined them. News of the violence and the strikes spread throughout the country by telephone and via broadcasts from foreign radio stations. Many citizens realized on this day just how far the regime was willing to go out of its fear of freedom.<\/p>\n

Opponents and critics of the regime met on Saturday, November 18, 1989, at various locations in Prague and in Slovakia:<\/p>\n

\u2013 Students from the November 16 march mobilized more classmates in the dormitories in Bratislava.<\/p>\n

\u2013 In Bratislava and Pukanec, dissidents and critical intellectuals gathered, several of whom would go on to become founders of the civic initiative against the regime, Public Against Violence (VPN).<\/p>\n

\u2013 In \u0160a\u013ea, about 120 representatives of the Hungarian minority met and established the Hungarian Independent Initiative (MNI).<\/p>\n

\u2013 In Prague, students called for a general strike to be held on November 27, 1989.<\/p>\n

In \u0160a\u013ea, approximately 120 Hungarian minority activists also gathered at K\u00e1roly T\u00f3th\u2019s home. The result was the founding of the first civic initiative of the Velvet Revolution\u2014the Hungarian Independent Initiative.<\/p>\n

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NOVEMBER 19, 1989<\/div>\n <\/div>\n

In the morning, Slovak artists gathered at the apartment of artist Miroslav Cip\u00e1r and drafted a protest against the intervention in Prague. The signatories included artists Rudolf Sikora, Miroslav Cip\u00e1r and Vilma Cip\u00e1rov\u00e1, Vladim\u00edr Komp\u00e1nek, Jozef Jankovi\u010d, \u013dubom\u00edr Longauer, Juraj \u010carn\u00fd, Daniel Fischer, Peter Horv\u00e1th, Karol Lacko, director Martin Hol\u00fd, and writer \u013dubom\u00edr Feldek.<\/p>\n

Rudolf Sikora suggested and immediately initiated a telephone “relay” to spread the word so people would gather that evening at 5:00 p.m. at Umeleck\u00e1 beseda (the Artists’ Club).<\/p>\n

At actor Martin Huba’s home, Milan K\u0148a\u017eko, Mari\u00e1n Labuda, Milan Lasica and J\u00falius Satinsk\u00fd, Magda Va\u0161\u00e1ryov\u00e1, dramaturg Martin Porubjak, and director Ivan Strnisko met. Together they adopted a statement condemning the brutality on N\u00e1rodn\u00ed t\u0159\u00edda.<\/p>\n

At 5:00 p.m., around 400\u2013450 citizens gathered at Umeleck\u00e1 beseda. They discussed and signed both declarations. This marked the beginning of petition actions that continued in the following days.<\/p>\n

However, among the participants at Umeleck\u00e1 beseda were also those who did not want the gathering to end as merely a petition. They called for the creation of more lasting structures of civic resistance against the regime. Thus, the community at Umeleck\u00e1 beseda entered a qualitatively new phase: the formation of the Public Against Violence (VPN) movement began.<\/p>\n

At the close of the first meeting at Umeleck\u00e1 beseda, four individuals were proposed and approved by those present to oversee the next steps in forming the movement: J\u00e1n Budaj, Vladim\u00edr Komp\u00e1nek, Vladim\u00edr Ma\u0148\u00e1k, and Rudolf Sikora[1]<\/a><\/sup>. This marked the creation of the first leadership structure of the Slovak democratic movement. The group immediately convened (in the corner of the exhibition hall) and drew others into the process. They agreed to hold a working session at noon on Monday.<\/p>\n

Later that evening, actors at Mal\u00e1 sc\u00e9na announced their theater strike. On Hviezdoslav Square, several active participants of the Umeleck\u00e1 beseda gathering spoke from the base of the statue of P. O. Hviezdoslav. This was the first of the community’s public protests.<\/p>\n

On the same day, at 10:00 p.m., the Civic Forum (OF) movement was established in the \u010cinohern\u00ed klub (Drama Club) in Prague. There were 18 founding members in total, including V. Havel among them.<\/p>\n

The VPN and OF movements arose independently, yet they were united by a common goal\u2014to oppose the totalitarian regime and the rule of the Communists.<\/p>\n

1<\/a> \u017d\u00c1\u010cEK, Pavel. STB na Slovensku za \u201enormalizace\u201c, Situa\u010dn\u00e1 spr\u00e1va \u0160tB z\u00a0Umeleckej besedy<\/sub><\/p>\n

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Source: Peter \u0160est\u00e1k<\/p><\/div>\n<\/div>\n <\/div>\n

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NOVEMBER 20, 1989<\/div>\n <\/div>\n

Students from the November 16 march met to plan sit-in strikes at their faculties. On Monday, they occupied the auditoriums at the Faculty of Science and then the Faculty of Arts at Comenius University and declared a strike. The first Slovak student strike committees were formed, with the Faculty of Arts committee receiving support from their lecturer, Val\u00e9r Mikula. Similarly, students at the Academy of Performing Arts (V\u0160MU) organized with the help of Juraj Alner.<\/p>\n

According to the agreement made on November 19, representatives selected from the Umeleck\u00e1 beseda community gathered at noon. For practical reasons, they moved their meeting to the Mal\u00e1 sc\u00e9na theatre, where, at the suggestion of Eugen Gindl, J\u00e1n Budaj took the lead. There, they adopted the name “Public Against Violence” (VPN) for the movement, and J\u00e1n Budaj was tasked with coordinating further activities. The movement\u2019s first headquarters, for two days, was in the offices of an environmental organization on Marku\u0161ova Street No. 2 (now Mari\u00e1nska Street). VPN then accepted an invitation from V\u0160MU students, who had launched a sit-in strike at their school.<\/p>\n

At the Mal\u00e1 sc\u00e9na meeting, the emerging VPN movement also agreed on the name for its governing body: the Coordinating Committee (KV VPN).<\/p>\n

After the meeting at Mal\u00e1 sc\u00e9na, some members of the KV VPN went to the auditorium at Comenius University to meet with the striking students. Another group drafted VPN\u2019s first political statement. The drafting involved Martin B\u00fatora, J\u00e1n Budaj, Peter Zajac, Val\u00e9r Mikula, Fedor G\u00e1l, Peter Tat\u00e1r, and Alfr\u00e9d Zimmermann.<\/p>\n

At 5:00 p.m., the statement was read and approved by the assembly at Umeleck\u00e1 beseda. The main demands of VPN\u2019s first programmatic document were the establishment of democracy, accountability for repression, and the initiation of public dialogue about the nature of the regime. The declaration ended with an appeal that defined the ideological concept of the democratic movement: \u201cLet us, as citizens, take our affairs into our own hands!\u201d There were so many attendees that most had to remain outside the building. Several speakers (for example, the artist Peter Horv\u00e1th) relayed information from inside.<\/p>\n

In the evening, speeches continued at a gathering of hundreds of citizens at the statue on Hviezdoslav Square, where several VPN founders spoke.<\/p>\n

At V\u0160MU, students collected signatures in support of a general strike. Actors from Trnava, Martin, and Zvolen joined them.<\/p>\n

In \u017dilina, about 300 students gathered in front of the dormitories. They discussed the events in Prague and the school administration invited them to negotiations.<\/p>\n

In response to the mass protests, the Presidium of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia decided to deploy the People\u2019s Militias (\u013dM). Their units were armed with live ammunition and military equipment in the barracks. The Ministry of the Interior likewise placed its security forces in a state of “emergency situation.” The Czechoslovak People\u2019s Army was put on combat alert.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n <\/div>\n

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NOVEMBER 21, 1989<\/div>\n <\/div>\n

The students continued their sit-in strike, speaking in front of the Comenius University building as well as at other sites in the city center. They refused to be intimidated by the regime\u2019s official representatives and established cooperation with VPN. They were also very active in creating and distributing various leaflets, petitions, and posters.<\/p>\n

Representatives of the Communist Party (KS\u010c) likewise tried to intimidate the actors of the Slovak National Theatre, but the actors rejected this and remained in solidarity with the students and VPN.<\/p>\n

At 5:00 p.m., VPN\u2019s founders met again at Umeleck\u00e1 beseda and adopted new political positions in response to the resistance of federal and national governments to the demands of students and the public. The gathering at Umeleck\u00e1 beseda approved an 11-member VPN Coordinating Committee composed of: Rudolf Sikora, Vladim\u00edr Komp\u00e1nek, Miroslav Cip\u00e1r, Milan K\u0148a\u017eko, J\u00e1n Budaj, Ladislav Snopko, \u013dubom\u00edr Feldek, Fedor G\u00e1l, Eugen Gindl, Peter Zajac, and Martin B\u00fatora.<\/p>\n

Alongside the KV VPN, a group of so-called \u201cagents\u201d of the movement was created, whose mission was mainly to spread calls and petitions in their professional circles as well as in regions and towns outside Bratislava. Its members were: Val\u00e9r Mikula, M\u00e1ria Filkov\u00e1, Miroslav Kus\u00fd, Martin M. \u0160ime\u010dka, Milo\u0161 \u017diak, Peter Tat\u00e1r, Jozef Ku\u010der\u00e1k, Martin Porubjak, Bohuslav Kraus, Juraj Z\u00e1ri\u0161, Jozef Jankovi\u010d, and Alfr\u00e9d Zimmermann (12 people).<\/p>\n

That same evening, around 15,000 people gathered at Gottwald Square (today\u2019s N\u00e1mestie slobody). This was the first mass demonstration in Slovakia. People ignored the bans and stepped out of the concrete corridors onto the elevated, muddy lawns of otherwise inaccessible \u201ckochl\u00edks.\u201d J\u00e1n Budaj addressed the gathered crowd, climbing with a megaphone onto the roof of the kiosks at the lower part of the square. He introduced the VPN movement to those present and then called on them to march together through the city to Hviezdoslav Square. Along the way, the number of demonstrators grew even larger. The demonstration then continued with speeches by VPN protagonists from the base of the statue of P. O. Hviezdoslav.<\/p>\n

On this day, anti-regime demonstrations also began in Ko\u0161ice, Bansk\u00e1 Bystrica, Martin, and \u017dilina. Slovak university students issued a joint statement. They demanded free elections, pluralism, free media, and an investigation of the events of November 17.<\/p>\n

Actors from the Hungarian Regional Theatre in Kom\u00e1rno also joined the protests, announcing that they would not perform any shows until November 27.<\/p>\n

That evening, in a speech broadcast on federal Czechoslovak Television, the General Secretary of the KS\u010c Central Committee, Milo\u0161 Jake\u0161, rejected the demands of protesting citizens and defended the communist regime.<\/p>\n

In Prague on this day, a spontaneous demonstration took place on Wenceslas Square. The movement OF used the opportunity, with its representatives for the first time appearing on the balcony of the Melantrich publishing house. V\u00e1clav Havel introduced the movement, followed by speeches from Cardinal Tom\u00e1\u0161ek and a performance by Marta Kubi\u0161ov\u00e1. OF attempted to establish contact with representatives of the regime, but without concrete results.<\/p>\n

That evening, federal and republic interior ministers broadcast political statements on television, describing the protests as \u201canti-socialist efforts supported from abroad.\u201d These media appearances aimed to intimidate the public. The communist regime signaled that it was prepared to defend its hegemony even by using the state\u2019s armed units and the armed corps of the KS\u010c, the People\u2019s Militias. The political crisis was deepening.<\/p>\n

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NOVEMBER 22, 1989<\/div>\n <\/div>\n

In the late morning, about 5,000 people gathered in front of the Justice Palace in Bratislava. They demanded the immediate release of J\u00e1n \u010carnogursk\u00fd, the last imprisoned member of the so-called Bratislava Five.<\/p>\n

On this day, J\u00e1n Budaj, along with a VPN delegation, visited the Archdiocesan Office in Trnava and called on the highest representatives of the Roman Catholic Church to support the movement for freedom and democracy. The Archbishop of Trnava, J\u00e1n Sokol, published an open letter titled \u201cTo People of Good Will in Slovakia!\u201d in which he demanded that state offices be held by people freely and democratically elected.<\/p>\n

VPN organized its fourth demonstration, this time at SNP Square. On this day, the square was not yet filled, but the megaphone was already not enough for its large area. Sound for the event was provided by the rock band Tublatanka, with the help of L. Snopko. Imperfect sound technology created a characteristic echo, with which speakers on the stage had to contend (see the attached record from the November protests). The demonstration was opened by J\u00e1n Budaj and Milan K\u0148a\u017eko. J\u00e1n Budaj read an appeal to the Prime Minister, calling for the immediate resignation of those politicians responsible for repression and the overall decline of society, for the release of all political prisoners, and for the rehabilitation of the politically persecuted. He demanded opposition access to television and the media, legalization of the right to assemble and to form political parties, a new election law, and more.<\/p>\n

At this demonstration, a greeting from the Civic Forum to Public Against Violence was also read, brought to Bratislava by Peter Zajac. In it, V\u00e1clav Havel affirmed his commitment to transform \u201cfederalized totalitarianism\u201d into a \u201cdemocratic federation.\u201d Through messages from various personalities and groups, VPN carried out its primary goal\u2014to unite previously isolated groups of regime critics.<\/p>\n

On this day, students in Ko\u0161ice organized a march through the city and lit candles at Liberation Square. Similar demonstrations took place in Trnava, where actors joined the students.<\/p>\n

In Bansk\u00e1 Bystrica, about 1,000 people gathered on Tuesday; in Zvolen, roughly 2,000. Protests were spreading across Slovakia.<\/p>\n

The leadership of the Communist Party (KS\u010c), which commanded the party\u2019s armed forces, the People\u2019s Militias, issued an order on this day instructing the previously mobilized and armed People\u2019s Militia units not to intervene. The main reason was the large number of protesters. Considerations about the use of other armed units, however, continued. The regime\u2019s security forces\u2014in other words, units of the National Security Corps (ZNB), State Security (\u0160tB), and the Czechoslovak People\u2019s Army\u2014remained on alert. The People\u2019s Militias also retained their weapons and live ammunition[1]<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\n

1<\/a> In November 1989, the People\u2019s Militias had about 84,000 members. The majority were from working-class occupations, and all were members of the Communist Party. Each member of the People\u2019s Militia had access to a firearm. The weapons were stored in regional and local depots. They possessed 20,067 pistols, 71,054 submachine guns, 6,890 machine guns, 130 anti-aircraft machine guns, 358 mortars, 149 recoilless guns, 2,177 trucks and motorcycles, and 2,031 grenades.<\/sub><\/p>\n

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NOVEMBER 23, 1989<\/div>\n <\/div>\n

Thousands of people gathered in front of the Justice Palace in Bratislava to support J\u00e1n \u010carnogursk\u00fd. The court acquitted him\u2014thus ending his imprisonment as the last remaining member of the Bratislava Five.<\/p>\n

A second large rally was held at SNP Square, with a demand for opposition access to television. Alexander Dub\u010dek spoke and declared his support for the VPN movement by signing on.<\/p>\n

Also taking the stage were J\u00e1n \u010carnogursk\u00fd\u2019s lawyer, Tibor B\u00f6hm, the dissident Ji\u0159\u00ed Dienstbier, and a student from the Faculty of Theology. Martin B\u00fatora spoke about the end of fear, while Miro \u017dbirka reminded listeners of Gorbachev\u2019s role in societal change.<\/p>\n

In the evening, demonstrations were also held in Bansk\u00e1 Bystrica, \u017dilina, and Martin. These protests were organized by local students and drew hundreds of participants.<\/p>\n

The Hungarian Independent Initiative voiced its support for the upcoming general strike, thereby joining OF and VPN.<\/p>\n

In Prague, V\u00e1clav Havel spoke at a mass demonstration, declaring that there could be no return to totalitarianism and that Czechoslovakia was choosing the path of freedom and democracy.<\/p>\n

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Zdroj: \u00daPN\/Milan Novotn\u00fd<\/dd>\n<\/dl>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n <\/div>\n
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NOVEMBER 24, 1989<\/div>\n <\/div>\n

In the morning, representatives of VPN (with the delegation led by E. Gindl) met with the director of Czechoslovak Television in the Slovak Socialist Republic. In the afternoon, the sixth VPN demonstration took place at SNP Square. Among the speakers were poet J\u00e1n \u0160trasser, environmentalist Mikul\u00e1\u0161 Huba, and representatives of the workers. The main topic of the day was the call for a general strike. In his address, J\u00e1n Budaj described the ongoing events as a revolution\u2014a \u201crevolution of understanding and trust.\u201d<\/p>\n

Under the pressure of the demonstrations and the television strike committee, the television management decided to invite representatives of VPN to appear on the main evening broadcast. They were to be confronted by regime representatives, specifically leaders of the largest state enterprises. The intent of the television management and the Communist Party of Slovakia was to frighten the public away from participating in the general strike. Instead, the opposite effect was achieved. Thanks to the live broadcast, this moment can be considered the end of one of the main pillars of totalitarian power in Czechoslovakia\u2014censorship.<\/p>\n

K\u0148a\u017eko used the opportunity of the live broadcast to articulate VPN\u2019s demand for the abolition of the Communist Party\u2019s leading role. J\u00e1n Budaj defined the political aim of the movement as \u201cdemocracy without adjectives\u201d[1]<\/a><\/sup>. By voicing these demands, several provisions of the dreaded Chapter I of the Penal Code (so-called crimes against the republic) were fulfilled. The public was shocked, as such political appeals had never been aired in the media of the occupied Czechoslovak Socialist Republic before.<\/p>\n

The VPN representatives succeeded in mobilizing the public to participate in the general strike. Thus, a new tool of the Velvet Revolution was born\u2014Studio Dialogue.<\/p>\n

On this day, Ko\u0161ice witnessed a large demonstration in support of the general strike. In Pre\u0161ov, students marched through the city. In Dunajsk\u00e1 Streda, the Hungarian Independent Initiative made public its goals: parliamentary democracy, civil liberties, and equality for minorities.<\/p>\n

The army and security forces held talks about the situation in the country[2]<\/a><\/sup>. The Communist Party ordered the State Security (StB) to uncover the structures of the strikers and to use its power to intimidate and prevent the general strike.<\/p>\n

During the night, Milo\u0161 Jake\u0161 and the Presidium of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia in Prague collectively resigned. Karel Urb\u00e1nek became the new General Secretary of the Party. Alexander Dub\u010dek declared that breaking with the policy of \u201cnormalization\u201d was unconditional.<\/p>\n

1<\/a> During the period of totalitarianism, the regime referred to itself as \u201csocialist democracy.\u201d Many, during the era of perestroika, expected a return to the program of \u201csocialism with a human face,\u201d that is, the program of the January Plenum of the Communist Party in 1968. The use of the term \u201cdemocracy without adjectives\u201d meant rejecting any continuation of reforms to the communist regime and envisaged a state in which democracy would not be tied to any political, religious, or racial ideology.<\/sub><\/p>\n

2<\/a> The army and security forces continued to discuss the violent suppression of the protests on multiple occasions, most recently in Bratislava shortly before Christmas 1989.<\/sub><\/p>\n

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NOVEMBER 25, 1989<\/div>\n <\/div>\n

At SNP Square in Bratislava, approximately 100,000 people gathered for the seventh VPN protest. VPN demanded the establishment of press freedom and called on editorial teams to elect their own editors-in-chief without the dictates of the Communist Party.<\/p>\n

On this day, the VPN movement published its twelve-point political program. It called for the creation of representative democracy and the rectification of the distorted federation, the earliest possible free elections, impartiality of the courts and prosecution, separation of church and state, and the establishment of the right to association, assembly, and free movement. It also called for the de-ideologization of education and culture, and to \u201cgenuinely guarantee the right to a healthy environment.\u201d<\/p>\n

During the demonstration, the VPN movement called on the citizens present to jointly change the text of the Slovak national anthem. Instead of the opportunistic verse \u201clet us stop, brothers, for they will disappear,\u201d the crowd at SNP Square agreed to change the paradigm of the anthem. Thus, from November 25, 1989, we began to sing the anthem with the lyrics: \u201clet us stop them, brothers,\u2026\u201d[1]<\/a><\/sup>. This moment marked a constitutional turning point in the revolutionary change of 1989. The civic identity of people who until then had been subordinated and intimidated began to transform.<\/p>\n

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A major success was that from this day forward, television broadcast the VPN demonstrations from SNP Square live[2]<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\n

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Large demonstrations also took place on this day in other Slovak cities\u2014Ko\u0161ice, Bansk\u00e1 Bystrica, \u017dilina, Martin, Trnava, Nitra, and Zvolen. Hundreds of thousands of people openly and publicly joined the anti-regime revolution of the VPN movement.<\/p>\n

The Presidium of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Slovakia discussed maintaining control over the media ahead of the general strike. In Prague, the army command offered the Presidium of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia a military intervention, which had been prepared for such a situation under the codename \u201cWAVE.\u201d[3]<\/a><\/sup> However, the communist leadership did not dare to intervene and began to lose its footing.<\/p>\n

President Gust\u00e1v Hus\u00e1k, under pressure from the demands of VPN and the Civic Forum, declared an amnesty for political prisoners.<\/p>\n

1<\/a> The text of the anthem was officially changed by a law of the Slovak National Council on 1 March 1990<\/sub><\/p>\n

2<\/a> Czechoslovak Television broadcast only short live segments from the protests on Wenceslas Square. Later, only edited highlights of the demonstrations were shown. The full course of OF demonstrations at Wenceslas Square or at Letn\u00e1 was not broadcast on television.<\/sub><\/p>\n

3<\/a> An operation to defend the monopoly on KS\u010c power. It was prepared and repeatedly drilled in case of a political or security crisis. The army and ZNB (\u0160tB) units were to intervene against undesirable elements and take over Czechoslovak television and radio broadcasts as well as the publishing and printing of newspapers.<\/sub><\/p>\n

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NOVEMBER 26, 1989<\/div>\n <\/div>\n

The eighth VPN protest was held at SNP Square in Bratislava. J\u00e1n \u010carnogursk\u00fd, who had just been released from prison by amnesty, also spoke at the event. He publicly thanked VPN for their support. Vladim\u00edr Komp\u00e1nek called for the removal of the barbed wire along the Iron Curtain toward Hainburg (VPN fulfilled this proposal with the “Hello, Europe!” march on December 10). Lajos Grendel read a statement of support from the Hungarian Independent Initiative, among others.<\/p>\n

The demonstration on November 26 was characterized by calls for the upcoming general strike and demands for the immediate abolition of the Communist Party\u2019s leading role.<\/p>\n

In response to this pressure from VPN, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Slovakia (KSS) the very next day\u2014on November 27, 1989\u2014acknowledged the legitimacy of VPN’s demand to abolish the \u201cleading role of the Communist Party\u201d in the Constitution of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic. After this capitulation was made public, the Prague leadership of the Communist Party was left in a hopeless position. The Communist Party relinquished its \u201cleading role\u201d the following day, and two days later, on November 29, 1989, the Federal Assembly of Czechoslovakia amended the constitution.<\/p>\n

For the first time at SNP Square, the song \u201cS\u013e\u00fabili sme si l\u00e1sku\u201d (\u201cWe Promised Each Other Love\u201d), performed by Ivan Hoffman, was heard. It became a symbol of civic solidarity in 1989.<\/p>\n

At an extraordinary session of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Slovakia on this day, most leading politicians from the normalization era resigned, including SNR chairman Viliam \u0160algovi\u010d, chairwoman of the Socialist Women’s Union Elena Litvajov\u00e1, and ideologist Gejza \u0160lapka.<\/p>\n

Meanwhile in Prague, negotiations continued between the Civic Forum and the communist prime minister Ladislav Adamec. At Letn\u00e1, Civic Forum held its sixth public assembly, giving Prime Minister Adamec the opportunity to speak. However, the crowd booed him off stage.<\/p>\n

From the same tribune, Alexander Dub\u010dek addressed the crowd\u2014a return to politics that citizens greeted with enthusiasm. That evening, V\u00e1clav Havel, the Civic Forum representative, addressed the nation on television for the first time.<\/p>\n

\n
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Source: https:\/\/www.17november1989.sk\/<\/dd>\n<\/dl>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n <\/div>\n
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NOVEMBER 27, 1989<\/div>\n <\/div>\n

At 12:00 p.m., the two-hour general strike began. Citizens across the entire country took part. It was the largest show of solidarity with the students, the Civic Forum, and VPN, and at the same time a clear demonstration of their legitimacy and political strength. Participation in the strike in both republics of the federation was around 75%. This was a major success for the efforts of the VPN movement, Slovak actors, and the student body.<\/p>\n

In Bratislava, the ninth VPN protest took place in the evening.<\/p>\n

On this day, the Presidium of the Central Committee of the KSS adopted a proposal for action measures aimed at keeping power in the hands of the Communists. They intended to bring back former Communist Party officials who had been expelled after 1970 and place young cadres at the head of the KSS.<\/p>\n

The Ministry of Culture of the Slovak Socialist Republic announced the release of previously banned films and books.<\/p>\n

\"\"

Source: https:\/\/www.17november1989.sk\/<\/p><\/div>\n<\/div>\n <\/div>\n

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NOVEMBER 28, 1989<\/div>\n <\/div>\n

In Prague, representatives of the Civic Forum held talks with Prime Minister Ladislav Adamec. V\u00e1clav Havel expressed his confidence in him[1]<\/a><\/sup>. L. Adamec was given a mandate to form a new government by December 3.<\/p>\n

A closed meeting of the Communist Party was held at the Palace of Culture in Prague, where the communists resolved to defend Article 4 of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic\u2019s constitution, which guaranteed their monopoly on power. They also decided to continue relying on the People\u2019s Militias as the armed wing of the party.<\/p>\n

The Federal Assembly established the \u201cNovember 17 Commission\u201d to investigate the events on N\u00e1rodn\u00ed t\u0159\u00edda.<\/p>\n

The Soviet Union declared that the 1968 invasion had been a violation of international law.<\/p>\n

In Bratislava, representatives of the Revolutionary Trade Union Movement (ROH) met and issued an Appeal to All Workers: \u201cSocialist trade unions belong to the people.\u201d<\/p>\n

The Presidium of the Slovak National Council also convened regarding the situation. It took a stand in defense of the socialist system.<\/p>\n

1<\/a> What happened without VPN\u2019s knowledge<\/sub><\/p>\n<\/div>\n <\/div>\n

\n
\n
NOVEMBER 29, 1989<\/div>\n <\/div>\n

The first official meeting between representatives of the VPN movement and the OF movement took place in Prague. VPN rejected OF\u2019s proposal to dissolve its own name and integrate into OF. Subsequently, they issued a joint declaration stating that OF and VPN would respect each other as partner movements.<\/p>\n

Later that same day, VPN hosted a delegation from OF (V. Havel, P. Oslzl\u00fd, M. Kubi\u0161ov\u00e1, and others) at the Slovak National Theatre. This event was the site of a nationwide assembly of VPN activists and strike committees.<\/p>\n

It was during this meeting that news arrived from the Federal Assembly in Prague announcing the abolition of Article 4, which secured the leading role of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia and the doctrine of Marxism-Leninism as the state ideology.<\/p>\n

At the end of the event, broadcast by Czechoslovak Television, J\u00e1n Budaj announced VPN\u2019s call to dismantle the Iron Curtain through a mass march of citizens to Hainburg, Austria. The action was scheduled for International Human Rights Day\u2014December 10, 1989. Ultimately, it became the largest event of the Velvet Revolution, turning the border into a free thoroughfare. (On that day, President G. Hus\u00e1k, famous for his saying \u201cthere will be no border promenades here,\u201d resigned.)<\/p>\n

VPN issued methodological guidelines for forming the movement\u2019s structures: \u201cProposal for the Work of VPN Action Groups.\u201d This marked a step toward stabilizing the movement as a nationwide political force, which soon afterward announced its participation in future free elections (VPN statement, December 2, 1989).<\/p>\n

November 29 can be considered the day when the constitutional dominance of the communists was abolished\u2014and thus the end of the first phase of the democratic revolution[1]<\/a><\/sup>.<\/p>\n

1<\/a> Research into further developments, particularly regarding the evolution of the VPN movement, is not yet complete. The VPN archives remained unprocessed and inaccessible to historical research until 2019.<\/sub><\/p>\n<\/div>\n <\/div>\n

\n
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EPILOGUE<\/div>\n <\/div>\n

In the months and years that followed, many new and fundamental challenges opened before the liberated citizenry: How to replace the communist nomenklatura? How to achieve social and economic transformation? How to establish representative democracy and a pluralistic political scene? How to stabilize the rule of law? How to resolve the constitutional and legal relations between the two nations that formed the federation? How to integrate into the advanced countries of Europe, where the process of peaceful integration was already underway?<\/p>\n

Many of these challenges we managed to overcome successfully, although not without political and social costs borne by the citizenry. Yet there are also challenges whose fulfillment, unfortunately, we still struggle with to this day.<\/p>\n

The creation of a new political nation, whose beginnings lay in the mass demonstrations of November 1989, will continue even after 2025, the year in which their memorial was unveiled.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n <\/div>\n <\/div>\n <\/section>\n\n\n\n\n\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"parent":0,"menu_order":3,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","template":"","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"inline_featured_image":false,"footnotes":""},"class_list":["post-322","page","type-page","status-publish","hentry"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nTimeline - Sloboda je va\u0161a<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/slobodajevasa.sk\/casova-os\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Timeline - Sloboda je va\u0161a\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:url\" content=\"https:\/\/slobodajevasa.sk\/casova-os\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:site_name\" content=\"Sloboda je va\u0161a\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:modified_time\" content=\"2025-11-13T15:16:54+00:00\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:card\" content=\"summary_large_image\" \/>\n<script type=\"application\/ld+json\" class=\"yoast-schema-graph\">{\"@context\":\"https:\\\/\\\/schema.org\",\"@graph\":[{\"@type\":\"WebPage\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/slobodajevasa.sk\\\/casova-os\\\/\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/slobodajevasa.sk\\\/casova-os\\\/\",\"name\":\"Timeline - 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